Hong Kong Economic Times:

The question of whether the general election goals stipulated in Article 45 and Article 68 of the Basic Law would be changed along with the reform of the electoral system has drawn much attention. What is the central authorities' interpretation of general elections? Thank you.

Zhang Xiaoming:

As I just said, the NPC's revision of the electoral system of the HKSAR is a "small incision," and not a single character or punctuation mark in Article 45 or Article 68 of the Basic Law has been changed. Therefore, the goals of selecting the HKSAR's chief executive and LegCo members through general elections will not be changed.

The central government has always firmly supported the HKSAR in gradually developing a democratic system suited to the HKSAR's realities. Just now, as Mr. Zhang Yong also mentioned, the NPC Standing Committee adopted a decision on Aug. 31, 2014, which clarified that election of the Chief Executive of the HKSAR in the year 2017 could be implemented by the method of universal suffrage. After realizing universal suffrage of the chief executive, the selection of all members of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage could also be realized in 2020. However, it was the opposition in Hong Kong that stymied the decision in every possible way. The opposition proposed "civil nomination" that completely violated the nomination mechanism clearly stated in Article 45 of the Basic Law, and advocated that anyone in Hong Kong can nominate a candidate for the position of the Chief Executive. I remember I had a public debate with the then-chairman of the Civic Party when I was in Hong Kong. Hong Kong could have achieved universal suffrage for the selection of the Chief Executive in 2017, but it was not achieved in the end. Who should bear this responsibility? Who is blocking the pace of democracy in Hong Kong and preventing the implementation of universal suffrage? I think justice is in the hearts of the people, and everyone knows it in their hearts.

You mentioned the implications of the universal suffrage system or the implications of universal suffrage. I think this should be understood strictly in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Basic Law. Universal suffrage naturally includes the implications of universal and equal elections. As for the specific arrangements for the universal suffrage system, they should be based on the "one country, two systems" principle, proceeding from the realities in Hong Kong, and stipulated in accordance with the Hong Kong Basic Law and the relevant decisions of the NPC Standing Committee. Thank you.