.

Read in Chinese

Speakers:

Zhang Xiaoming, executive deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council

Deng Zhonghua, deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council

Zhang Yong, deputy director of the Legislative Affairs Commission of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC)

Chairperson:

Chen Wenjun, head of the Press Bureau of the State Council Information Office (SCIO) and spokesperson of the SCIO

Date:

March 12, 2021

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Chen Wenjun:

Ladies and gentlemen, good morning. Welcome to this briefing held by the State Council Information Office. As you all know, the fourth session of the 13th National People's Congress (NPC), which concluded yesterday, adopted the Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) by an overwhelming majority vote. To help the public more accurately understand the decision from both legal and logical perspectives, we have invited Mr. Zhang Xiaoming, executive deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, Mr. Deng Zhonghua, deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, and Mr. Zhang Yong, deputy director of the Legislative Affairs Commission of the Standing Committee of the NPC. They will elaborate on the decision and take your questions. First, we will give the floor to Mr. Zhang Xiaoming.

Zhang Xiaoming:

Friends from the media, good morning. Yesterday afternoon, the fourth session of the 13th NPC adopted the Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The decision is another major step in the governance of Hong Kong taken by the central authorities following the adoption of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. It is also a milestone in implementing the principle of "one country, two systems." The NPC has made major decisions on Hong Kong-related issues both this year and last year. This fully demonstrates the great importance attached to Hong Kong affairs by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and General Secretary Xi Jinping's general plan of the governance of Hong Kong. When the vote on the draft decision was held, Mr. Zhang Yong and I were at the Great Hall of the People. A total of 2,896 NPC deputies cast their votes. Except for one abstention, all the other 2,895 deputies voted in favor. A big round of applause broke out when Li Zhanshu, chairman of the NPC Standing Committee, announced the result. The sustained applause represents the shared aspiration of the Chinese people, including all our compatriots in Hong Kong, and the unshakable will of the state.

At a workshop held by the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies on Feb. 22, Xia Baolong, vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, elaborated on the theme of implementing the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong" put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping, and advancing the steady and sustained implementation of "one country, two systems." Xia's statement has drawn a positive public response in Hong Kong. On March 5, Wang Chen, vice chairman of the NPC Standing Committee, made a detailed explanation of the necessity and importance of improving the electoral system of the HKSAR as well as the main points of the draft decision. On March 6 and 7, Vice Premier Han Zheng made important remarks on matters related to improving the HKSAR's electoral system while attending group discussions of Hong Kong and Macao CPPCC members and NPC deputies. These state leaders clarified the position of the central authorities. Here, I would like to share some views on the great significance and far-reaching impact of improving the HKSAR's electoral system.

First, improving the electoral system is highly necessary to address the loopholes and deficiencies in the HKSAR's legal system, and is conducive to improving the system and institutions of "one country, two systems." The framework of the existing methods for the selection of the HKSAR chief executive and for the formation of the Legislative Council (LegCo) was established in the process of formulating the Basic Law of the HKSAR over 30 years ago. The instability in Hong Kong society during recent years has exposed clear loopholes and deficiencies in the HKSAR's existing electoral system, including the methods for selecting the chief executive and for the formation of LegCo. In particular, the electoral system was not secure enough. As a result, anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong found their way into the HKSAR's bodies of power and other governance structure through elections; and external forces have meddled in Hong Kong's affairs through various means, allowing them to engage in activities aimed at undermining China's national security. Therefore, we must fix the deficiencies, and forestall and defuse relevant risks at the institutional level. Moreover, improving the electoral system is an important step toward implementing the overarching plan of upholding and improving the system and institutions of "one country, two systems" made by the 19th CPC Central Committee at its fourth plenary session. It also shows that the principle of "one country, two systems" has been refined in light of new developments.

Second, improving the electoral system is of fundamental importance to safeguarding political stability and security in the HKSAR, and ensuring a stable Hong Kong in the long run. The turbulence over the amendment bill descended into social chaos, which fully reveals that the main problems facing Hong Kong are political issues, not problems of whether the electoral system should be democratic, or whether the pace of democracy should be faster or slower, as some people have said. These issues involve battles against attempted power grabs, subversion and infiltration. In this regard, we will not back down. The aim of improving the electoral system is to close the pathway within the political structure for anti-China and destabilizing forces in Hong Kong to seize power by exercising the central authorities' statutory power to make decisions on the political structure of the HKSAR in accordance with the Constitution and the Hong Kong Basic Law. It goes hand in hand with the formulation of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR. Together, they will provide fundamental solutions to various forms of chaos, and safeguard the national security and the political stability and security of the HKSAR.

Third, improving the electoral system is the right choice based on Hong Kong's actual conditions, and a step which will steadily advance Hong Kong's democratic system. For the over-150 years that Hong Kong was under British colonial rule, there was no democracy to speak of. It was only since its return to the motherland that its people have truly held their future in their own hands. The development of democracy in the city does not have a long history and steady improvements should be made to it through exploration. In improving the electoral system, priority will be given to adjusting and improving the Election Committee, which is broadly representative, and empowering it with new functions. In addition to continuing to elect the chief executive, it will also elect some members of LegCo and participate in the nomination of all LegCo candidate members. The aim of such an approach is to build a democratic system that is suited to Hong Kong's actual conditions and has distinctive Hong Kong features. It will ensure the pace of development of democracy in the city is steadier.

Fourth, improving the electoral system is crucial for Hong Kong to improve the performance of its government, promote development of its economy, and improve people's livelihood. The deficiencies in the current electoral system and its uncertain status have triggered a tendency to politicize Hong Kong society. Moreover, after finding their way into the HKSAR's governance system, anti-China and destabilizing forces in Hong Kong have blatantly manipulated the political agenda. Some opposition LegCo members have abused procedures and disrupted, and even paralyzed, the functioning of LegCo through such improper moves as filibustering. These acts have gravely impeded the exercise of governance by the HKSAR government and created significant internal friction. The improvements to the electoral system will enable the HKSAR government and people from various sectors of Hong Kong society to focus on economy and development, and will address housing difficulties and other pressing problems affecting people's livelihood. It will also enable Hong Kong to better involve itself in the building of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, integrate into China's overall development more smoothly, and maintain and improve its international competitiveness. In short, it will enable Hong Kong to break the political impasse, achieve good governance and improve the well-being of its residents.

Fifth, improving the electoral system will provide a systemic safeguard for implementing the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong" and ensure the continued success of "one country, two systems". "Patriots administering Hong Kong" is not a new concept. In fact, Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out that Hong Kong must be administered by the people of Hong Kong with patriots as the main body in 1984 when he met a delegation from the Hong Kong industrial and business community visiting Beijing and a group of Hong Kong community leaders. Across the world, no country allows people who are unpatriotic to participate in the governance of the country or any place under the country's jurisdiction. It goes without saying that those who administer Hong Kong must be patriots. When meeting with Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor this January, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly stated that the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong" must be always upheld to ensure the steady and sustained implementation of "one country, two systems." Improving the electoral system will put in place the requisite security valve to ensure that the political power and the governing power of the HKSAR are firmly in the hands of patriots. This will provide a strong and reliable safeguard for ensuring the steady practice of "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong in the long run.

I want to emphasize that it was the CPC that initiated the policy of "one country, two systems," and that leads, advances and upholds its implementation. No one better appreciates the value of "one country, two systems" or is more committed to the original aspiration of this notion than the CPC or the Chinese government. The Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR which has been formulated, the ongoing improvement of the electoral system of the HKSAR , and everything we will do in the future, are all aimed at improving the system and institutions of "one country, two systems" and ensuring its sound implementation, rather than changing the principle.

During the "two sessions" over the last few days, many NPC deputies and CPPCC members from Hong Kong were excited when delivering speeches. Some NPC deputies said that the NPC's decision on improving the electoral system of the HKSAR will send a "belated spring" to Hong Kong. Some CPPCC members exclaimed that "Hong Kong can be saved." Other CPPCC members commented that this major decision of the NPC fully demonstrates the central authorities' deep care for Hong Kong and its future. As people in Hong Kong like to visit Che Kung Temple during the first lunar month and draw fortune sticks, some CPPCC members mentioned that no matter what kind of fortune the people receive, the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR is the greatest blessing, and the NPC's decision on improving the electoral system of the HKSAR is the most effective solution. I think these words speak volumes about the views of people in Hong Kong. When we spoke with some Hong Kong personages, they mentioned a simile that, "just as a serious illness requires strong medicine, Hong Kong's existing electoral system requires a major surgery." I think "surgery" is a vivid illustration. To be more accurate, the improvement of Hong Kong's electoral system is like a minimally invasive surgical procedure with an incision that is small but deep enough to remove the infection and allow for a speedy recovery. We are firmly convinced that after the surgery on Hong Kong's electoral system, its democratic system will regain health. Hong Kong's social vitality will be fully unleashed, and its people will enjoy better and more peaceful lives. 

In recent days, the HKSAR government and people from various sectors in Hong Kong issued statements, took part in interviews, signed petitions, and set up street counters to express their firm support for the NPC's decision on improving the HKSAR's electoral system. Opinion poll results released by the Hong Kong Research Association also show that around 70% of those polled support the NPC's decision. This is the best and most forceful rebuttal of the smears and false claims against the NPC's decision made by some people overseas. Last year, when the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR was promulgated, I said at a press conference here that the law is an anchor of stability for the city. Today, I would like to add another sentence and together make them a couplet of good wishes, that is, the improved electoral system will be a vital long-term safeguard for Hong Kong. As the city's electoral system and rules are amended, the ship of "Hong Kong under 'one country, two systems'" will be able to cleave waves, sail smoothly onward and deliver an even brighter future for the city.

That concludes my opening remarks. Thank you.

Chen Wenjun:

Thank you, Mr. Zhang Xiaoming. Next, let's give the floor to Mr. Zhang Yong.

Zhang Yong:

Thank you, Mr. Chairperson. Friends from the media, good morning. Just now Mr. Zhang Xiaoming, executive deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, expounded on the major and far-reaching significance of the Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Next, let me give you a brief overview of the decision as well as its constitutional and legal basis.

The NPC's decision consists generally of the following nine articles:

First, it sets out the basic principles for improving the electoral system of the HKSAR, namely implementing the principle of "one country, two systems," upholding the constitutional order, ensuring "patriots administering Hong Kong," improving the governance efficacy of the HKSAR, and safeguarding the right to vote and the right to stand for election of permanent residents of the HKSAR.

Second, it establishes the core elements for conducting elections of the Election Committee, the Chief Executive, and the LegCo. The thrust of these elements is to restructure the Election Committee and add new functions to it. This will expand and ensure the balanced and orderly political participation of various sectors of Hong Kong society, make the Election Committee more suited to Hong Kong's realities, more broadly representative, and better meet the overall interests of Hong Kong society. The composition of the Election Committee will be expanded from four to five sectors, and its membership will be increased from 1,200 to 1,500. The Election Committee shall continue to elect the Chief Executive designate, and the Chief Executive shall be appointed by the Central People's Government. In addition, the Election Committee shall elect a fairly large proportion of the members of the LegCo, and nominate candidates for LegCo members.

Third, it establishes a committee for reviewing the qualification of election candidates in the HKSAR, which will be responsible for reviewing and confirming the qualification of candidates in the elections of the Election Committee, the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council. This is an important institutional arrangement to ensure "patriots administering Hong Kong."

Fourth, it authorizes the NPC Standing Committee to amend Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law of Hong Kong. The two annexes, namely, Method for the Selection of the Chief Executive and Method for the Formation of the Legislative Council and Its Voting Procedures, list specific matters to be handled regarding the election of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council. 

In addition, the NPC decision requires the HKSAR to amend relevant local laws, and organize election activities accordingly. It also requires the chief executive of the HKSAR to submit in a timely manner reports to the Central People's Government on important situations related to elections. These is the main content of the decision.

The NPC decision is solidly based on the Constitution. The constitutional basis of the NPC decision lies in the following three aspects:

First, the Constitution of the People's Republic of China covers the HKSAR. The Constitution is the fundamental law of the State. It has supreme and universal legal authority within the territory of the People's Republic of China. With its return to the motherland, Hong Kong is now again an integral part of China's governance system. In terms of legal status, the HKSAR is a local administrative region directly under the Central People's Government. The central authorities exercise overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong in accordance with the Constitution and other relevant laws.

Second, the principle of "one country, two systems," by definition, has well-laid out purposes. The fundamental purpose of this principle was set on the very day of its formulation, which is to safeguard China's unification and territorial integrity and sustain Hong Kong's prosperity and stability. "One country" is the prerequisite and basis of "two systems."

Third, the system of special administrative region established by the Basic Law is based on underlying principles and prerequisites. The Basic Law of the HKSAR adopted by the NPC in 1990 was formulated in accordance with the Constitution, which gives legal status to the policy of "one country, two systems." The Basic Law has comprehensive provisions on the operation of various institutions to be set up in the HKSAR. In establishing these institutions, the Basic Law observed two underlying principles: First, Hong Kong would be administered by Hong Kong people with patriots as the main body. Second, Hong Kong would enjoy a high degree of autonomy authorized by the central authorities. These two principles are embodied in the specific provisions of the 160 articles in the Basic Law.

To summarize, under the principle of "one country, two systems," the Constitution and the Basic Law jointly form the constitutional basis of the HKSAR. All the mechanisms and institutions of the HKSAR are built on this constitutional basis, and must meet the requirements of this constitutional basis in all their operations. Should there be failure to meet such requirements or violation and even sabotage of the constitutional basis, the relevant mechanisms and institutions must be revised and improved.

The NPC decision is solidly based on law. As we know, China exercises the system of people's congresses, and the National People's Congress is the highest state organ of power, which has and exercises the power of sovereignty. It is stipulated in China's Constitution that the NPC has the power of deciding on the establishment of special administrative regions and the systems to be instituted there. The electoral system of the HKSAR, which is at the core of its political system, is decided by the central authorities. Over the past few years, those who oppose China and destabilize Hong Kong have used the loopholes and deficiencies in the existing electoral system, and their acts have undermined not only China's sovereignty, security and development interests, but also the constitutional order and effective governance of Hong Kong. Therefore, necessary measures must be taken to revise and improve relevant systems and institutions. This is within the powers of the NPC. What is more, it is a responsibility the NPC must fulfill. 

Last but not least, I want to stress that the NPC decision has indisputable legal binding force. Next, the NPC Standing Committee will amend Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law, and the HKSAR shall make amendments to relevant local laws. In doing so, they must act in strict compliance with the NPC decision and implement it in both letter and spirit. Thank you.

Chen Wenjun: 

Thank you, Mr. Zhang Yong. The floor is now open for questions. Please identify your news outlet before asking your question.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

CCTV:

The central authorities started rolling out a series of measures last year, including the formulation and implementation of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. During the "two sessions" over the last few days, the NPC adopted the decision on improving the electoral system of the HKSAR. What is the impact of such a decision on the implementation of "one country, two systems"? Going forward, what other systems does the central authorities plan to improve? Thank you. 

Zhang Xiaoming:

I'll take this question. The NPC and its Standing Committee have adopted decisions or formulated the law regarding Hong Kong five times since last May, including the decision of the NPC on establishing and improving the legal system and enforcement mechanisms for the HKSAR to safeguard national security, adopted on May 28, 2020; the law on safeguarding national security in the HKSAR, adopted by the NPC Standing Committee on June 30, 2020; the decision of the NPC Standing Committee for the sixth Legislative Council of the HKSAR to continue to discharge duties, made on Aug. 11, 2020; the decision of the NPC Standing Committee issues relating to the qualifications for members of the Legislative Council of the HKSAR, on Nov. 11, 2020; and the decision on improving the electoral system of the HKSAR which was adopted yesterday (March 11, 2021). All these decisions and legislation — which have been adopted in a short period of time — are precise, effective and highly timely. On behalf of Mr. Xia Baolong and the relevant departments responsible for Hong Kong and Macao affairs, I would like to express our high respect and sincere gratitude to all the members of the NPC Standing Committee and every NPC deputy.

Hong Kong has been troubled by two major institutional problems since its return. The first lies in the legislation of Article 23 of the Basic Law, and the other concerns the development of Hong Kong's political structure. The former problem led to the absence of a law in Hong Kong safeguarding national security, and the latter problem intensified political turmoil in Hong Kong. Thanks to the formulation and implementation of the law on safeguarding national security in Hong Kong, the first problem has been resolved. The NPC and its Standing Committee's amendments to the relevant laws this time and in the future are for the sake of the second problem. In fact, they concern political stability and the security of political power. Both of the two measures will work together to jointly lay a solid institutional foundation for the implementation of "one country, two systems" in a comprehensive and accurate manner, which will ensure the steady implementation of the principle in the long run, and usher in new progress of Hong Kong.

Regarding possible new institutional reforms that the central authorities may adopt, as I mentioned previously, the fourth plenary session of the 19th CPC Central Committee has explained explicitly in relevant resolutions in this regard. It has made the overall plan on upholding and improving the system and institutions of "one country, two systems," especially those systems and institutions to be improved in relation to the implementation of the Basic Law of the HKSAR. Moreover, we will also improve political, economic, cultural, educational and social systems and institutions. All these institutional reforms will definitely be advanced in light of the "one country, two systems" principle and within the framework of the Basic Law. Joint efforts from the HKSAR government and people from all walks of life in Hong Kong are needed to address the problems and make rectifications to restore order in certain areas, such as education. Thank you. 

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

ITAR-TASS: 

My question is also about reform. This reform implements the principle of "patriots governing Hong Kong." Can you give any details [about] who will serve as the judge? Who will make decisions concerning politicians and officials [with regards] to patriotism feelings? Will the moderate opposition be able to be elected to the Legislation Council after the reform? Don't you think that this principle of patriotism will leave some part of Hong Kong society unrepresented in the Legislation Council, and possibly lead to further political crisis? Thank you. 

Zhang Xiaoming:

I'm glad to answer your question. This is indeed a question of great concern in Hong Kong society. Comrade Deng Xiaoping once elaborated on the criteria that patriots must meet. He said: "What is a patriot? A patriot is one who respects the Chinese nation, sincerely supports the motherland's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong and wishes not to impair Hong Kong's prosperity and stability." These three sets of criteria still stand in judging whether a person is patriotic or not. Of course, at the time when Deng made his remarks, Hong Kong had not returned to the motherland, had not been included in the national governance system, and had not seen chaos like the illegal "Occupy Central" movement and the turbulence over the amendment bill. At that time, there could not be a "negative list." At a recent symposium, Mr. Xia Baolong said that patriots must uphold the nation's sovereignty, security and development interests, respect and uphold the fundamental system of the country and the constitutional order of the HKSAR, and do their best to safeguard Hong Kong's prosperity and stability. Xia also clearly pointed out that those who advocate "Hong Kong independence," those who apply the "burn with us" tactic, and those who defy the nation's fundamental system, are not patriots. Xia's views align with Deng's definition of patriots. What's more, Xia's elaboration was a practical response to the new situations, new problems and new challenges arising from the implementation of the "one country, two systems" principle after Hong Kong's return to the motherland. The aim of improving the electoral system of the HKSAR is to provide a legal and institutional safeguard for fully implementing the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong." We will by no means allow unpatriotic people, especially those anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong, to participate in the governance of the HKSAR. We will never allow those anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong to continue to have a seat in the hall of LegCo. Not even one. This is self-evident.

I must make it clear that the central authorities' emphasis on "patriots administering Hong Kong" is not meant to erase all differences in Hong Kong. Here, two lines of demarcation have to be drawn. First, the fact that unpatriotic people are not allowed to find their way into the HKSAR's power structure or governance system does not mean that they are not allowed to work and live in Hong Kong. They are just not allowed to participate in its governance. Second, the fact that unpatriotic people, especially those anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong, are excluded from the HKSAR's governance system does not mean that opposition members or the pan-democracy camp will all be excluded. We cannot simply equate the opposition members, especially the pan-democracy camp, with the anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong. There are patriots among the opposition members, especially among the pan-democracy camp, and those patriots still have the right to stand for election and be elected in accordance with the law. I would like to assure the reporter from TASS that LegCo in the future will be more broadly representative, and you will hear different voices in LegCo, including criticism of the government. What is different is, you may never see those legislators who make an ugly show of themselves, or willfully filibuster, or even get into fist fights. That is the difference. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Lianhe Zaobao: 

We have seen that the NPC has decided to improve the electoral system of Hong Kong in the form of "decision plus amendments." Is there a specific timetable for this work? What is the deadline for amending the laws? Considering this, is the 2021 Hong Kong LegCo election still going to be held in September? Will the improved electoral system be applied by then? Thank you.

Zhang Yong: 

Thank you for your questions. Article 9 of the decision clearly stipulates that it shall enter into effect as of the date of promulgation. Authorized by the decision, the NPC Standing Committee will amend Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law as soon as possible. Then, in accordance with the decision and the Basic Law's Annex I and Annex II amended by the NPC Standing Committee, the HKSAR will amend relevant local laws on elections as soon as possible. Only in this way can election activities in Hong Kong be conducted smoothly in accordance with the law.

As for when the next LegCo election will be held, the NPC Standing Committee decided on Aug. 11 last year that the sixth (incumbent) LegCo will continue to perform its duties for no less than one year, until the term of the seventh LegCo begins. According to the decision, the HKSAR can decide on its own when the next LegCo election will be held based on the HKSAR's actual situation, the amended Annex I and Annex II, and relevant local laws. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Sing Tao Daily:

The NPC deliberated and adopted the decision on improving the electoral system of the HKSAR, giving more power to the HKSAR's Election Committee, including electing the chief executive designate and a relatively large proportion of LegCo members. Some people have considered this to be a "leap backwards for democracy." Is this inconsistent with "the principle of gradual and orderly progress" as stipulated in the Basic Law? Thank you.

Deng Zhonghua:

Thank you for your question. The Election Committee set out in the NPC's decision is a new institutional framework. As Mr. Zhang Xiaoming and Mr. Zhang Yong introduced just now, it will be responsible for nominating candidates for the chief executive and electing the chief executive designate, and electing a relatively large proportion of LegCo members, as well as nominating candidates for all LegCo members. That is the fundamental system of the Election Committee. Our two major considerations are as follows:

First, the Election Committee shall be composed of representatives from different sectors and strata of Hong Kong society, and is broadly representative. Electing part of the members of the LegCo and nominating candidates for LegCo members through such an Election Committee helps go beyond the interests of one certain sector, region or group, and makes up for the underrepresentation of functional and geographical constituencies under the current system. This way, LegCo can better represent the overall interests of Hong Kong society.

Second, the Election Committee shall be responsible for electing the chief executive designate and part of the LegCo members. This way, the chief executive and LegCo will share certain common voters, which will facilitate communication between them, and help consolidate the executive-led system stipulated in the Basic Law. In fact, the practice of the Election Committee electing some members of LegCo existed in the past. The HKSAR people are quite familiar with it. It cannot be said that restoring conventional practice is a "leap backwards," or that it is not "gradual and orderly progress" of the HKSAR's democratic system. "Gradual and orderly progress" does not mean a higher amount of direct elections in every single election. The method and system are good so long as they move toward expanded democracy in general, and better safeguarding the overall and fundamental interests of the HKSAR society as well as the democratic rights and fundamental wellbeing of the HKSAR residents. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

China Review News Agency:

The NPC decided to establish a candidate qualification review committee of the HKSAR. What significance does this have in ensuring the nomination of "patriots"? Does it conflict with the rights of HKSAR residents guaranteed by the Basic Law to exclude certain residents from standing for elections based on their political stance? Thank you.

Deng Zhonghua:

The candidate qualification review committee of the HKSAR will be established to vet and confirm the qualifications of candidates for members of the Election Committee, chief executive and LegCo members. It is an important system for implementing "patriots administering Hong Kong." It aims to rule out anti-China, destabilizing forces from the HKSAR's governance structure. It aims very clearly to exclude them and ensure that the chief executive, LegCo members, and the Election Committee members are all true patriots, and that the power to administer the HKSAR is firmly in the hands of patriots.

The establishment of the qualification review mechanism ensures that candidates' qualifications conform with the Basic Law, relevant laws, interpretations, decisions and local laws of the HKSAR. This is an entirely different matter from safeguarding the rights of the HKSAR residents as stipulated by the Basic Law, including the right for HKSAR permanent residents to vote and stand for election. The two do not contradict one another at all. Essentially, the qualification review mechanism provides an institutional guarantee for the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong," ensuring the sound and sustained implementation of the "one country, two systems" principle in the HKSAR. It is a basic premise for HKSAR residents exercising the right to vote and the right to stand for election.

Just think what Hong Kong would be like if those who oppose China and destabilize Hong Kong occupied core positions of the HKSAR's body of political power? The turbulence over the amendment bill in 2019 cannot ever be allowed to happen again. Thank you. 

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Hong Kong Ta Kung Wen Wei Media Group:

The Clause 7 of Annex I and Clause 3 of Annex II to the Basic Law, as well as NPC Standing Committee's relevant interpretations in 2004, stipulated a "five-step" procedure for amending the methods for the selection the Chief Executive and the formation of the LegCo. Why did the central authorities still adopt "decision plus amendments" approach, instead of authorizing the HKSAR to amend them in accordance with the "five-step" procedure? Thank you.

Zhang Yong: 

Thank you for your question. Amending and improving the electoral system of the HKSAR through the form of "decision plus amendments" is an important decision we made after repeatedly studying and carefully weighing various factors. Mr. Zhang just clarified its imperative and significance during his opening remarks. Here I would like to add one more point. 

The chaos in Hong Kong society in recent years has clearly exposed the institutional loopholes and deficiencies in Annex I and Annex II of the Basic Law. These can be demonstrated in two aspects. First, those who oppose China and destabilize Hong Kong have made use of the institutional loopholes in the electoral system to enter the political structure, brazenly engaging in activities that undermine not only the nation's sovereignty, security and development interests, but also the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong. Second, those who oppose China and destabilize Hong Kong have taken advantage of the institutional deficiencies in procedures, deliberately destroying the constitutional order and effective governance of Hong Kong and obstructing its democratic development.

We all know that as early as in 2007, the NPC Standing Committee made a decision which clearly stipulated that the fifth chief executive could be selected through general election in 2017. In August 2014, the NPC Standing Committee further stipulated the roadmap and timetable for selecting the HKSAR's chief executive and forming LegCo through general elections. Unfortunately, those who oppose China and destabilize Hong Kong made use of the "five-step" procedure to veto the proposal for electing the chief executive. As a result, the aim of selecting the chief executive and forming LegCo through general elections was hence far beyond reach. If the institutional loopholes enabling anti-China disruptors in Hong Kong to enter the body of political power were not fundamentally plugged, the "five-step" procedure you mentioned would exist only in name and lead nowhere. Through the "decision plus amendments," the NPC and its Standing Committee, at the state level, exercised its constitutional power to establish a democratic electoral system with Hong Kong characteristics that suits the actual conditions of Hong Kong. This is an effort to reform from the bottom to ensure "patriots administering Hong Kong," to restore constitutional order, and to improve governance efficiency, laying a solid institutional foundation for the sound and sustained implementation of "one country, two systems." Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Hong Kong Economic Times:

The question of whether the general election goals stipulated in Article 45 and Article 68 of the Basic Law would be changed along with the reform of the electoral system has drawn much attention. What is the central authorities' interpretation of general elections? Thank you.

Zhang Xiaoming:

As I just said, the NPC's revision of the electoral system of the HKSAR is a "small incision," and not a single character or punctuation mark in Article 45 or Article 68 of the Basic Law has been changed. Therefore, the goals of selecting the HKSAR's chief executive and LegCo members through general elections will not be changed.

The central government has always firmly supported the HKSAR in gradually developing a democratic system suited to the HKSAR's realities. Just now, as Mr. Zhang Yong also mentioned, the NPC Standing Committee adopted a decision on Aug. 31, 2014, which clarified that election of the Chief Executive of the HKSAR in the year 2017 could be implemented by the method of universal suffrage. After realizing universal suffrage of the chief executive, the selection of all members of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage could also be realized in 2020. However, it was the opposition in Hong Kong that stymied the decision in every possible way. The opposition proposed "civil nomination" that completely violated the nomination mechanism clearly stated in Article 45 of the Basic Law, and advocated that anyone in Hong Kong can nominate a candidate for the position of the Chief Executive. I remember I had a public debate with the then-chairman of the Civic Party when I was in Hong Kong. Hong Kong could have achieved universal suffrage for the selection of the Chief Executive in 2017, but it was not achieved in the end. Who should bear this responsibility? Who is blocking the pace of democracy in Hong Kong and preventing the implementation of universal suffrage? I think justice is in the hearts of the people, and everyone knows it in their hearts.

You mentioned the implications of the universal suffrage system or the implications of universal suffrage. I think this should be understood strictly in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Basic Law. Universal suffrage naturally includes the implications of universal and equal elections. As for the specific arrangements for the universal suffrage system, they should be based on the "one country, two systems" principle, proceeding from the realities in Hong Kong, and stipulated in accordance with the Hong Kong Basic Law and the relevant decisions of the NPC Standing Committee. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

CGTN:

After the NPC passed its decision on improving the HKSAR's electoral system, a U.S. State Department spokesperson condemned the move as an attack on the democratic process in Hong Kong. What are your comments on this? In addition, if the United States and other Western countries impose so-called sanctions on China and the HKSAR, how will China respond? Thank you.

Zhang Xiaoming:

First of all, I want to say that the design and improvement of the electoral system of the HKSAR are purely China's internal affairs that allow no carping comments from any foreign country. As far as I know, the United States itself has very strict laws and regulations to prevent foreign interference in its elections, including the recent passage of an election reform bill by the House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress. Naturally, we have to ask, why can the United States amend its election laws whenever it deems necessary, yet be so interested in and neurotic about law amendments in a special administrative region of China and strike such a meddlesome posture. Speaking of the matter, it reminds us of some scenes. During Hong Kong's turbulence over the proposed amendment bill in 2019, when rioters carried out such violent acts as beatings, smashing property and setting fires on the streets, and even attacked the Legislative Council, American politicians felt a sense of gloating and praised it as "a beautiful sight to behold." By the time American protesters stormed the Capitol Hill on Jan. 6, they quickly defined it as domestic terrorism. Isn't this typical and blatant double standards? So, I do not understand, and I don't know, when there was so much chaos surrounding the U.S. presidential election last year, and after the violent attacks on the Capitol Hill on Jan. 6, what moral basis do American politicians still have in criticizing the electoral system of the HKSAR of China?

We also noticed that at the 46th session of the U.N. Human Rights Council, 70 countries signed a joint statement urging relevant sides to stop interfering in China's internal affairs, including those concerning Hong Kong. This fully shows that hegemony is repugnant. As for the "big stick" of sanctions frequently wielded by the United States, I think it has long been despised. Our colleagues in the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, including Mr. Xia Baolong, Mr. Deng Zhonghua and myself here today, were all included on the so-called sanction list by the U.S. government last year. We are deeply honored by this. Of course, we have always adhered to the principle of "it is impolite not to reciprocate" for such sanctions, and they will definitely remember our countermeasures. That's all I have to say. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

China News Service:

Just now, Mr. Zhang Yong said that the NPC decision has a legal basis. My question is, what is the legal basis of the NPC in authorizing the NPC Standing Committee to amend Annex I and Annex II to the Basic Law of Hong Kong? Thank you.

Zhang Yong:

Thank you for your question. As I said in my opening remarks, it is stipulated in China's Constitution that the NPC has the power to make decisions regarding the establishment of special administrative regions and the systems instituted there. The NPC is China's highest state organ of power. It has been stated clearly that the NPC decision establishes the requisite core elements for the electoral system of Hong Kong and has solid constitutional and sufficient legal basis. In fact, both before and after Hong Kong's return to the motherland, the NPC made multiple major decisions on the question of Hong Kong. I would like to give some additional information regarding your question. The Method for the Selection of the Chief Executive of the HKSAR and the Method for the Formation of the Legislative Council of the HKSAR are two annexes to the Basic Law. The fact that they are not included in the main clauses of the Basic Law was the result of special considerations during the drafting process of the Basic Law decades ago. As these specific items may need adjustments as the situation changes, it is more flexible for them to appear in the form of annexes to make it more convenient to make amendments if necessary. In fact, the two annexes were amended in 2010 and approved by the NPC Standing Committee. According to Clause 22 of Article 67 in China's Constitution, the NPC Standing Committee shall exercise the functions and powers accorded to it by the NPC. Therefore, the NPC authorizing its Standing Committee to amend Annex I and Annex II is in line with the original intent in drafting the Basic Law, and has sufficient legal basis. I hope my answer is helpful. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

China Daily:

Could you explain how the NPC made the decision? Does the legislation process take into account the opinions of Hong Kong residents? What are the next procedures for the NPC Standing Committee in amending the Annexes? And, will the opinions of the Hong Kong people be included in this process? Thank you.

Zhang Yong:

Thank you for your questions. The drafting of the NPC decision drew on suggestions and advice from people of various circles. Relevant departments of the central authorities and legal experts established a special work force who made extensive studies and investigations in the drafting of the decision. During the process, they solicited views multiple times from the chief executive of the HKSAR, major government officials, leading members of the Hong Kong legislature, and representatives of various circles in Hong Kong. When the epidemic situation was still very serious, related departments organized webinars with representatives from Beijing, Hong Kong, Macao and Shenzhen, while officials from relevant departments went to Shenzhen to hold multiple seminars, in order to listen to opinions and suggestions from representatives of various circles. We would like to thank friends from the media in Hong Kong, Macao and the Chinese mainland who extensively covered and initiated lively discussions on this topic. We have been following your reports. Your reports also fully reflected the voices of people from different walks of life. During the fourth session of the 13th NPC several days ago, nearly 3,000 deputies conducted thorough deliberations on the draft version of the decision and proposed many suggestions for its further improvement. The NPC and related departments attached great importance to those suggestions and fully absorbed them after careful research and studies. Next, under the authorization of the NPC, the NPC Standing Committee will strictly follow legal procedures in amending Annex I and Annex II. It will also continue to solicit views from various circles, and increase communication and coordination with relevant parties. I believe this work will begin very soon. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Phoenix TV:

My question is about the composition of the Election Committee. Why should Hong Kong deputies to the NPC, Hong Kong members of the CPPCC National Committee and representatives of Hong Kong members of related national organizations be added as the fifth sector in the Election Committee? What are the considerations of the central government? Thank you.

Deng Zhonghua:

As we all know, under Hong Kong's current electoral system, Hong Kong deputies to the NPC are ex-officio members of the Election Committee, and some Hong Kong members of the CPPCC National Committee are also members of the Election Committee. Under the new electoral system, Hong Kong deputies to the NPC will continue to be ex-officio members, and all HKSAR permanent residents among the members of the CPPCC National Committee will become members of the Election Committee. That is to say, the Hong Kong members of the CPPCC National Committee will also be ex-officio members of the Election Committee. In addition, we have included the "representatives of Hong Kong members of related national organizations," because we think that as these Hong Kongers participate in activities of national organizations, they have a better understanding of state affairs. Generally speaking, the members in the fifth sector have a strong sense of the nation. Their appointment as members of the Election Committee can help strengthen national elements in the Committee and integrate the defending of national interests with the interests of Hong Kong. Thank you.

_ueditor_page_break_tag_

Kyodo News:

My question is about economy. Some people from the economic community are concerned that the reform of the electoral system will cause Hong Kong to lose its status as an international financial center, and that foreign companies in Hong Kong will flee overseas. What is China's take on this? Thank you.

Zhang Xiaoming:

I'll take your question. But before I answer, I'd like to just remind you and other friends from the press of events from the past. In September 1983 when the Sino-British talks over the future of Hong Kong reached a deadlock, the British side, in order to achieve the goal of "trading sovereignty for administration," played the "economy card" to impose pressure on China, and started spreading messages such as "talks collapsing with the future of Hong Kong unclear" to the outside. As a result, on September 24, Hong Kong witnessed sharp devaluation of its currency and runs on banks, its residents started panic buying daily necessities, and it seemed like that was the end of Hong Kong, in an event which became known as "Black Saturday." In 1995, before Hong Kong's return to the motherland, the American Fortune magazine ran a cover story called "The Death of Hong Kong," predicting that it would be impossible for Hong Kong to remain an international trade and financial center after it returned to the motherland. After the enactment of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR last year, another American magazine, The Atlantic, published an article titled "The End of Hong Kong." There seems to be a rule that whenever the occasions are important and sensitive or whenever there are major events, some Westerners will be more enthusiastic in expressing pessimistic views about Hong Kong and spreading all kinds of alarmist "predictions." However, the facts always astound them.

You mentioned the confidence of foreign investors in Hong Kong. Since the enactment of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR, I've observed that both foreign and local Hong Kong investors have more, instead of less, confidence in Hong Kong. Let me provide you with some figures as an example. The capital flowing into Hong Kong last year reached US$50 billion, the balance of Hong Kong's banking system repeatedly set new all-time highs, and the funds raised through initial public offerings (IPOs) in its stock exchange ranked second in the world last year. The stock market is a barometer of Hong Kong's economy and an important indicator in assessing the confidence of investors. The market capitalization of Hong Kong's stock market hit a record of HK$50 trillion this January. Even a survey published by the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong showed the percentage of enterprises optimistic about the business environment in Hong Kong increased sharply in January compared with August last year.

I also want to point out that the reason Hong Kong obtained its special economic status, including as an international financial center, international trade center and international shipping center — especially the international financial center — is attributed to many reasons, including a complete legal system, an abundance of professionals, a highly free and open market, and linguistic advantages. Another important factor is the driving force brought by the Chinese mainland's sustained and rapid development to Hong Kong. Such advantages are not available elsewhere and are difficult to replicate. Therefore, we have every reason to believe that following the implementation of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR and the improvement of the electoral system, Hong Kong's political, economic, social and business environments will be further improved, and Hong Kong's status as an international financial center will be further consolidated. That's all for my answer. Thank you.

Chen Wenjun:

Today's press conference is hereby concluded. Thank you all.

Translated and edited by Zhang Liying, Chen Xia, Wang Yiming, Zhou Jing, Zhu Bochen, Duan Yaying, Huang Shan, Gong Yingchun, Zhang Rui, Liu Qiang, Wang Qian, Zhang Jiaqi, Yang Xi, Fan Junmei, Li Huiru, He Shan, Guo Yiming, Xu Xiaoxuan, and David Ball. In case of any discrepancy between the English and Chinese texts, the Chinese version is deemed to prevail.